2021年11月17日 星期三

2022金融股和大宗商品

 


2022金融股和 大宗商品


When the economy strengthens as it did from 2009 to 2011 investors know that the  companies making the most money are those taking advantage of faster economic  growth and these companies are those in the commodity-sensitive sector, not the  financial stocks. This preference is reflected by declining strength of the financial  stocks when the economy improves more rapidly. The other reason the financial  sector is weak when the economy grows faster following a period of slow growth or  recession is because loan demand is weak during such times  

When the economy starts slowing down, as it happened in the beginning of 2011, the  commodity-sensitive stock sector performs more poorly (their relative strength  declines) and money flows into sectors with superior opportunities. The financial  sector is one of these sectors (see Fig. 4.4) as loan demand grows more rapidly  because of the growing economy. The outcome is the relative strength of XLF rises when the economy slows down. This pattern is exactly the opposite of the pattern  displayed by the materials and energy sectors. 




2021年11月6日 星期六

才剛上完老謝節目 光洋科董座火速遭撤職

才剛上完老謝節目 光洋科董座火速遭撤職 


光洋科(1785)董事長馬堅勇意外遭到撤職,5日光洋科董事會決議,由玉璟有限公司法人代表王炯棻,接任光洋科董事長一職。 

王炯棻也是榮剛材料科技(5009)及台灣鋼鐵的董事長。光洋科表示,期許新任董事長導正公司常規,落實公司治理,安定並凝聚員工同仁之向心力。 

光洋科認為馬堅勇不適任原由為,馬堅勇未經董事會決議即私自同意延展新創環保科技公司之不動產買賣契約解約期限,且未向簽證會計師揭露前情,刻意欺瞞簽證會計師,毫無公司治理、法治觀念及誠信。 

此舉不但違反光洋科公司核決程序,更造成光洋科公司無法解除買賣契約、無法沒收新創環保公司已付買賣價款及無法享有收回不動產之增值利益。 

在光洋科110年第二、三季財報,有關新創環保公司之不動產買賣契約揭露事宜,也出現嚴重與買賣契約約定相左,明顯有虛偽隱匿。 

上週馬堅勇才上謝金河的電視節目宣傳光洋科營運狀況,本周卻火速遭到撤換,跌破眾人眼鏡。外界猜測,本次先行撤換董事長,應是台鋼集團為了明年改選董監事提前布局。 



2021年11月5日 星期五

The economic threats from China’s real estate bubble

 

My investment idea have been resonated with an article  written by Martin Wolf, this guy of Economics  sphere is a big one, please read and store  as follows



From the macroeconomic point of view, the most important fact about the Chinese economy is its extraordinary savings. In 2010, gross national savings reached 50 per cent of gross domestic product. Since then, it has fallen a little. But it was still 44 per cent of GDP in 2019. While household savings are extremely high, averaging 38 per cent of disposable incomes between 2010 and 2019, they account for slightly less than half of all these savings. The rest consist mainly of corporate retained earnings. Investment plus net exports have to match savings when the economy is operating close to potential output, if it is not to fall into a slump. Since the global financial crisis, net exports have been a small share of GDP: the world would not accept any more. Total fixed investment duly averaged about 43 per cent of GDP from 2010 to 2019. Surprisingly, this was 5 percentage points higher than between 2000 and 2010. Meanwhile, growth fell significantly. This combination of higher investment with lower growth indicates a big fall in the returns on investment


Yet there are even bigger problems than this suggests. One is that the high investment is associated with huge increases in debt, especially of households and the non-financial corporate sector: the former jumped from 26 to 61 % of GDP between the first quarters of 2010 and 2021 and the latter from 118 to 159 %. Another is that a substantial part of this investment has been wasted. Xi Jinping himself has spoken of the need to shift “to pursuing genuine rather than inflated GDP growth”. This has to be a big part of what he meant. This combination of high and unproductive investment with soaring debt is closely related to the size and rapid growth of the property sector. A 2020 paper by Kenneth Rogoff and Yuanchen Yang argues that china's property sector contributed 29 % of GDP in 2016. Among high-income economies, only pre-2009 Spain matched this level. Moreover, almost 80 percent of this impact came from investment, while about a third of China’s exceptionally high investment has been in property


A number of powerful indicators show that this investment is driven by unsustainable prices and excessive leverage, and is also creating huge excess capacity: the price to income ratios in Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen are far higher than in other big cities around the world; housing wealth accounted for 78 per cent of all Chinese assets in 2017, against 35 per cent in the US; household debt ratios are comparable with those in high-income countries; vacancy rates and other measures of excess capacity are high; and rates of home ownership had reached 93 per cent in 2017. Furthermore, family formation is slowing, China’s population is aging and 60 % of it is already urbanised. All these signal that the property boom must end.

 

Since the government controls the Chinese financial system, it can prevent a financial crisis. A large fall in house prices and a big negative impact on household wealth and spending are likely, but might be avoided. The likeliest threat is that investment in property will collapse. This would have a large negative effect on local government finances. But, above all, it would leave a huge hole in demand. Rogoff and Yang argue that “a 20 % fall in real estate activity could lead to a 5-10 per cent fall in GDP, even without amplification from a banking crisis, or accounting for the importance of real estate as collateral.” It could be worse.


Between 2012 and 2019, investment contributed 40% of China’s growth in demand. If investment in property fell sharply, it would leave a huge shortfall. Yet tolerating this painful adjustment would ultimately be desirable. It should improve the welfare of the population: after all, building unneeded properties is a waste of resources. Slowing the recent pace of property investment would also be a natural consequence of the “three red lines” for property developers imposed by the state last year: hard limits on a company’s debt-to-asset ratio, its debt-to-equity ratio and its cash-to-short-term-debt ratio. The main policy now should be to shift spending towards consumption, and away from the most wasteful investment. This would require redistribution of income towards households, especially poorer households, as well as a rise in public consumption. Such a shift would also fit with the recent attack on the privileges of great wealth. It would also require big reforms, notably in taxation and the structure of public spending. In addition, investors should be shifted away from property toward the transition away from high carbon emissions. That too would require big policy changes.

Crises are also opportunities. The Chinese government is well aware that the great investment boom in property has gone far beyond reasonable limits. The economy needs different drivers of demand. Since the country is still relatively poor, a prolonged economic slowdown, such as Japan’s, is unnecessary, especially when one considers the room for improved quality of growth. But the model based on wasteful investment has reached its end. It must be replaced